By David Rollison
In 1500 fewer than 3 million humans spoke English; at the present time English audio system quantity at the very least one thousand million all over the world. This e-book asks how and why a small island humans turned the nucleus of an empire 'on which the solar by no means set'. David Rollison argues that the 'English explosion' used to be the result of an extended social revolution with roots deep within the medieval previous. A succession of crises from the Norman Conquest to the English Revolution have been causal hyperlinks and chains of collective reminiscence in a special, vernacular, populist move. The key-phrase of this lengthy revolution, 'commonwealth', has been principally invisible in conventional constitutional background. This panoramic synthesis of political, highbrow, social, cultural, spiritual, fiscal, literary and linguistic routine bargains a 'new constitutional background' during which country associations and tool elites have been subordinate and answerable to a better group that the early glossy English known as 'commonwealth' and we name 'society'.
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Additional info for A Commonwealth of the People: Popular Politics and England's Long Social Revolution, 1066-1649
This complacency of reflexive usages of the word ‘commonweal(th)’ in early English usages still prevails today. It means everything and nothing. Perhaps that is why Paul Keating thought it might be a good name for an Australian republic to continue to call itself. On this evidence, ‘commonweal/th’ denoted a field of contention, but the conjoined syllables also referred to some notable commonalities. First, the commonweal words were English; they signal the remarkably rapid rise of the vernacular from language of conquered subjects to that of public life (see Chapter 3).
London, February 1648), 1. See, for example, Randolph C. Head, Early Modern Democracy in the Grisons: Social Order and Political Language in a Swiss Mountain Canton, 1470–1620 (Cambridge 1995). Wendy Scase, ‘Visions of Piers Plowman: a Medieval Poem and the Production of the Present’ (University of Birmingham 2001), 2; Stubbs, The Constitutional History of England (1897; repr. New York 1967); John L. ), The End of the Middle Ages: England in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries (Stroud 1998), critically discusses the ‘great divide’; cf.
This school of virtue places the highest value on formal learning, wisdom and moral philosophy. The direction of civil society is determined by rational discussion between citizens inspired by classical notions of learning, virtu and the common good. One interpretation has Machiavelli as its bete noire. 38 Machiavelli and Tacitus, wrote one eighteenth-century commentator, had ‘so firmly established their wicked doctrine of politics . . that it is impossible to speak of governing men according to the principles of virtuous politics without being ridiculed as a chimerical and extravagant mind’.
A Commonwealth of the People: Popular Politics and England's Long Social Revolution, 1066-1649 by David Rollison