By Nick Pelling
Offering essays, resources with questions and labored solutions, including history to every subject inside Irish heritage, Nick Pelling presents an excellent foundational textual content for the learn of Anglo-Irish family. for hundreds of years the connection among eire and England has been tricky. Anglo-Irish family members, 1798–1922 explores the tempestuous occasions from Wolfe Tone's failed emerging to Michael Collins's arguably extra profitable attempt, culminating within the arguable Anglo-Irish treaty of 1921. vintage struggles among key figures, akin to O'Connell and Peel, Parnell and Gladstone, and Lloyd George and Michael Collins, are mentioned and analyzed. The deeper matters concerning the nature of British Imperial rule and the range of Irish nationalism also are tested, highlighting the historiographical debate surrounding the so-called 'revisionist' view.
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Additional info for Anglo-Irish Relations, 1798-1922 (Questions and Analysis in History)
The oath at present required by law [for MPs] is, ‘That the sacrifice of the Mass and the Invocation of the blessed Virgin Mary and other saints, as now practised by the Church of Rome, are impious and idolatrous’. Of course, I will never stain my soul with such an oath; I leave that to my honourable opponent, Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald [the Conservative MP for Clare]. He has often taken that horrible oath; he is ready to take it again, and asks your votes to enable him so to swear. I would rather be torn limb from limb than take it.
The situation was made worse by the fact that Russell had closed down the soup kitchens in September 1847 and ordered the Relief Commissioners home, assuming the famine to be over. The impression was of a government that had simply washed its hands of the Irish people. Desperate landlords, now faced with the cost of relief, escalated the trend to evict starving people from their smallholdings, thereby moving the problem and simultaneously consolidating their estates. The number of evictions throughout the famine was astonishingly high, though it must be added that a minority of landlords risked their own bankruptcy by seeking ways to feed and support their tenants.
Wellington (who from 1825 had been looking for a conciliatory settlement to the Emancipation issue) described the Catholic clergy, nobility, lawyers and gentry as ‘a sort of theocracy’, governing Ireland with the backing of Rome. As he went on to point out, the exclusion of Catholics from formal power had not succeeded in restricting their social power—or, as it happened, their political influence. In 1829 their claims, made manifest, created a formal constitutional revolution…The manner of its passing [Catholic Emancipation]… gave a Catholic middle-class ‘ascendancy’ a vital psychological boost.
Anglo-Irish Relations, 1798-1922 (Questions and Analysis in History) by Nick Pelling